30 Ocak 2016 Cumartesi

REMEMBERING ANTI-WAR ACTIVIST PEACE LOVER MAHATMA GANDHI

Indian nationalist leader Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, more commonly known as Mahatma Gandhi, was born on October 2, 1869, in Porbandar, Kathiawar, India, which was then part of the British Empire. His father, Karamchand Gandhi, served as a chief minister in Porbandar and other states in western India. His mother, Putlibai, was a deeply religious woman who fasted regularly. Gandhi grew up worshiping the Hindu god Vishnu and following Jainism, a morally rigorous ancient Indian religion that espoused non-violence, fasting, meditation and vegetarianism. 
Young Gandhi was a shy, unremarkable student who was so timid that he slept with the lights on even as a teenager. At the age of 13, he wed Kasturba Makanji, a merchant’s daughter, in an arranged marriage. In the ensuing years, the teenager rebelled by smoking, eating meat and stealing change from household servants. 
In 1885, Gandhi endured the passing of his father and shortly after that the death of his young baby. Although Gandhi was interested in becoming a doctor, his father had hoped he would also become a government minister, so his family steered him to enter the legal profession. Shortly after the birth of the first of four surviving sons, 18-year-old Gandhi sailed for London, England, in 1888 to study law. The young Indian struggled with the transition to Western culture, and during his three-year stay in London, he became more committed to a meatless diet, joining the executive committee of the London Vegetarian Society, and started to read a variety of sacred texts to learn more about world religions. 
Upon returning to India in 1891, Gandhi learned that his mother had died just weeks earlier. Then, he struggled to gain his footing as a lawyer. In his first courtroom case, a nervous Gandhi blanked when the time came to cross-examine a witness. He immediately fled the courtroom after reimbursing his client for his legal fees. After struggling to find work in India, Gandhi obtained a one-year contract to perform legal services in South Africa. Shortly after the birth of another son, he sailed for Durban in the South African state of Natal in April 1893.
SPIRITUAL AND POLITICAL LEADER
When Gandhi arrived in South Africa, he was quickly appalled by the discrimination and racial segregation faced by Indian immigrants at the hands of white British and Boer authorities. Upon his first appearance in a Durban courtroom, Gandhi was asked to remove his turban. He refused and left the court instead. The Natal Advertiser mocked him in print as “an unwelcome visitor.”
A seminal moment in Gandhi’s life occurred days later on June 7, 1893, during a train trip to Pretoria when a white man objected to his presence in the first-class railway compartment, although he had a ticket. Refusing to move to the back of the train, Gandhi was forcibly removed and thrown off the train at a station in Pietermaritzburg. His act of civil disobedience awoke in him a determination to devote himself to fighting the “deep disease of color prejudice.” He vowed that night to “try, if possible, to root out the disease and suffer hardships in the process.” From that night forward, the small, unassuming man would grow into a giant force for civil rights.
Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress in 1894 to fight discrimination. At the end of his year-long contract, he prepared to return to India until he learned at his farewell party of a bill before the Natal Legislative Assembly that would deprive Indians of the right to vote. Fellow immigrants convinced Gandhi to stay and lead the fight against the legislation. Although Gandhi could not prevent the law’s passage, he drew international attention to the injustice. 
After a brief trip to India in late 1896 and early 1897, Gandhi returned to South Africa with his wife and two children. Kasturba would give birth to two more sons in South Africa, one in 1897 and one in 1900. Gandhi ran a thriving legal practice, and at the outbreak of the Boer War, he raised an all-Indian ambulance corps of 1,100 volunteers to support the British cause, arguing that if Indians expected to have full rights of citizenship in the British Empire, they also needed to shoulder their responsibilities as well. 
Gandhi continued to study world religions during his years in South Africa. “The religious spirit within me became a living force,” he wrote of his time there. He immersed himself in sacred Hindu spiritual texts and adopted a life of simplicity, austerity and celibacy that was free of material goods. 
In 1906, Gandhi organized his first mass civil-disobedience campaign, which he called “Satyagraha” (“truth and firmness”), in reaction to the Transvaal government’s new restrictions on the rights of Indians, including the refusal to recognize Hindu marriages. After years of protests, the government imprisoned hundreds of Indians in 1913, including Gandhi. Under pressure, the South African government accepted a compromise negotiated by Gandhi and General Jan Christian Smuts that included recognition of Hindu marriages and the abolition of a poll tax for Indians. When Gandhi sailed from South Africa in 1914 to return home, Smuts wrote, “The saint has left our shores, I sincerely hope forever.”
FIGHT FOR INDIAN LIBERATION
After spending several months in London at the outbreak of World War I, Gandhi returned in 1915 to India, which was still under the firm control of the British, and founded an ashram in Ahmedabad open to all castes. Wearing a simple loincloth and shawl, Gandhi lived an austere life devoted to prayer, fasting and meditation. He became known as “Mahatma,” which means “great soul.”
In 1919, however, Gandhi had a political reawakening when the newly enacted Rowlatt Act authorized British authorities to imprison those suspected of sedition without trial. In response, Gandhi called for a Satyagraha campaign of peaceful protests and strikes. Violence broke out instead, which culminated on April 13, 1919, in the Massacre of Amritsar when troops led by British Brigadier General Reginald Dyer fired machine guns into a crowd of unarmed demonstrators and killed nearly 400 people. No longer able to pledge allegiance to the British government, Gandhi returned the medals he earned for his military service in South Africa and opposed Britain’s mandatory military draft of Indians to serve in World War I. 
Gandhi became a leading figure in the Indian home-rule movement. Calling for mass boycotts, he urged government officials to stop working for the Crown, students to stop attending government schools, soldiers to leave their posts and citizens to stop paying taxes and purchasing British goods. Rather than buy British-manufactured clothes, he began to use a portable spinning wheel to produce his own cloth, and the spinning wheel soon became a symbol of Indian independence and self-reliance. Gandhi assumed the leadership of the Indian National Congress and advocated a policy of non-violence and non-cooperation to achieve home rule. 
After British authorities arrested Gandhi in 1922, he pleaded guilty to three counts of sedition. Although sentenced to a six-year imprisonment, Gandhi was released in February 1924 after appendicitis surgery. He discovered upon his release that relations between India’s Hindus and Muslims had devolved during his time in jail, and when violence between the two religious groups flared again, Gandhi began a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924 to urge unity. 
THE SALT MARCH
After remaining away from active politics during much of the latter 1920s, Gandhi returned in 1930 to protest Britain’s Salt Acts, which not only prohibited Indians from collecting or selling salt—a staple of the Indian diet—but imposed a heavy tax that hit the country’s poorest particularly hard. Gandhi planned a new Satyagraha campaign that entailed a 390-kilometer/240-mile march to the Arabian Sea, where he would collect salt in symbolic defiance of the government monopoly.  
“My ambition is no less than to convert the British people through non-violence and thus make them see the wrong they have done to India,” he wrote days before the march to the British viceroy, Lord Irwin. Wearing a homespun white shawl and sandals and carrying a walking stick, Gandhi set out from his religious retreat in Sabarmati on March 12, 1930, with a few dozen followers. The ranks of the marchers swelled by the time he arrived 24 days later in the coastal town of Dandi, where he broke the law by making salt from evaporated seawater.
The Salt March sparked similar protests, and mass civil disobedience swept across India. Approximately 60,000 Indians were jailed for breaking the Salt Acts, including Gandhi, who was imprisoned in May 1930. Still, the protests against the Salt Acts elevated Gandhi into a transcendent figure around the world, and he was named Time magazine’s “Man of the Year” for 1930. 
TO ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE
Gandhi was released from prison in January 1931, and two months later he made an agreement with Lord Irwin to end the Salt Satyagraha in exchange for concessions that included the release of thousands of political prisoners. The agreement, however, largely kept the Salt Acts intact, but it did give those who lived on the coasts the right to harvest salt from the sea. Hoping that the agreement would be a stepping-stone to home rule, Gandhi attended the London Round Table Conference on Indian constitutional reform in August 1931 as the sole representative of the Indian National Congress. The conference, however, proved fruitless.
Gandhi returned to India to find himself imprisoned once again in January 1932 during a crackdown by India’s new viceroy, Lord Willingdon. Later that year, an incarcerated Gandhi embarked on a six-day fast to protest the British decision to segregate the “untouchables,” those on the lowest rung of India’s caste system, by allotting them separate electorates. The public outcry forced the British to amend the proposal. 
After his eventual release, Gandhi left the Indian National Congress in 1934, and leadership passed to his protégé Jawaharlal Nehru. He again stepped away from politics to focus on education, poverty and the problems afflicting India’s rural areas.
As Great Britain found itself engulfed in World War II in 1942, though, Gandhi launched the “Quit India” movement that called for the immediate British withdrawal from the country. In August 1942, the British arrested Gandhi, his wife and other leaders of the Indian National Congress and detained them in the Aga Khan Palace in present-day Pune. “I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside at the liquidation of the British Empire,” Prime Minister Winston Churchill told Parliament in support of the crackdown. With his health failing, Gandhi was released after a 19-month detainment, but not before his 74-year-old wife died in his arms in February 1944. 
After the Labour Party defeated Churchill’s Conservatives in the British general election of 1945, it began negotiations for Indian independence with the Indian National Congress and Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Muslim League. Gandhi played an active role in the negotiations, but he could not prevail in his hope for a unified India. Instead, the final plan called for the partition of the subcontinent along religious lines into two independent states—predominantly Hindu India and predominantly Muslim Pakistan. 
Violence between Hindus and Muslims flared even before independence took effect on August 15, 1947. Afterwards, the killings multiplied. Gandhi toured riot-torn areas in an appeal for peace and fasted in an attempt to end the bloodshed. Some Hindus, however, increasingly viewed Gandhi as a traitor for expressing sympathy toward Muslims.
ASSASINATION
In the late afternoon of January 30, 1948, the 78-year-old Gandhi, still weakened from repeated hunger strikes, clung to his two grandnieces as they led him from his living quarters in New Delhi’s Birla House to a prayer meeting. Hindu extremist Nathuram Godse, upset at Gandhi’s tolerance of Muslims, knelt before the Mahatma before pulling out a semiautomatic pistol and shooting him three times at point-blank range. The violent act took the life of a pacifist who spent his life preaching non-violence. Godse and a co-conspirator were executed by hanging in November 1949, while additional conspirators were sentenced to life in prison. 
DEATH AND LEGACY

Even after his death, Gandhi’s commitment to non-violence and his belief in simple living—making his own clothes, eating a vegetarian diet and using fasts for self-purification as well as a means of protest—have been a beacon of hope for oppressed and marginalized people throughout the world. Satyagraha remains one of the most potent philosophies in freedom struggles throughout the world today, and Gandhi’s actions inspired future human rights movements around the globe, including those of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States and Nelson Mandela in South Africa. 
SOURCE




25 Ocak 2016 Pazartesi

ÖLÜ AYDINLAR ÜLKESİNİN AYDINLARI



  


 İnsan olmak sadece unutmamakla yetiniyor artık bu yeni Türkiye’de. “Unutmadık!” yazıyorsun, 3-5 afili şey yazıyorsun sosyal medya hesaplarına. Diğer gün aynı şeylere devam ediyorsun, nasıl olsa yarın unutmamış olman gereken başka birisi vardır. Davayı ve haberi takip etmene gerek yok. Nasıl unuttuysak öyle unutuyorsun. Gezi’yi, Soma’yı, Ermenek’i , Suruç’u , Ankara’yı, Roboski’ yi unuttuğumuz gibi. Kocaman harflerle yazarız bir de UNUTMADIK diye, utanmadan, arlanmadan.  Unutuyoruz. Eğer bugün Metin Göktepe, Uğur Mumcu, Hrant Dink, Musa Anter gibi gazeteciler, onuruyla yaşayanlar olsaydık şimdi ne Can Dündar’ı ne de Erdem Gül’ü hapiste görürdük. 
“Unutmadık!” yazamayacağım buraya çünkü bas baya unuttuğumuzu düşünüyorum birçok şeyi. Neleri unuttuğumuza gelince insan olmak başta olmak üzere onurlu olmayı, gazeteciliği, en önemlisi de onurlu gazetecilik yapmayı ve yapanlara yardım etmeyi diyebilirim. Çoktan unuttuk.
Unuttuk Metin Göktepe’yi, Uğur Mumcu’yu, Hrant Dink’i, Musa Anter’i…
Şimdilerde sadece anmaya çabalıyormuşuz gibi hissediyorum. Geçen bu süreçte neler yaptığımızı sorguluyorum. Olan bunca şeyin davasına yaşım bile yetmiyorken sadece bunu yapabiliyorum. Kendimi tam anlamıyla ne Fadime Göktepe’nin ne Rakel Dink’in ne de Güldal Mumcu’nun yerine koyabiliyorum.
Ama biz yine de Uğur Mumcu’nun dediği gibi unutmayalım. Unutmayalım onurlu yaşama çabasında olan her insanımızı, öldürülen gazetecileri, hayatını hep tehditlerle geçiren koca yürekli insanları, onların savundukları düşünceleri... Her gün onların yaşama isteğini biz taşıyormuşçasına en baştan, en iyisinden taşıyalım umut dolu yarınlarımızı.
“Atatürkçülüğü ve milliyetçiliği yadsıyarak solculuk yapma gafletine düşen bir sol, Türkiye’de hiçbir zaman başarılı olamadı, olamaz da…
Türk milliyetçiliği Türk halkının alın terini yabancı çıkarlara karşı korumak demektir…“
"Kimi ölüler bize ne kadar yakın
Yaşayanların birçoğu ne kadar da ölü..."
Bilgi sahibi olmadan fikir sahibi olunmaz.
“Yaşamımızın en güzel yıllarını, birer taze çiçek gibi verdik topluma. Bizleri yok etmek istediler hep. Öldürüldük ey halkım, unutma bizi!”
ÖLDÜRÜLDÜK EY HALKIM UNUTMA BİZİ!




20 Ocak 2016 Çarşamba

KÜBA DA HUZURLU İNSANCA YAŞAM İÇİN HERŞEY VAR


BERNA LAÇİN : Bak, ben sana KÜBA'da neler yok anlatayım!
Küba’ya yaptığım yolculuk bir gezi değil, deneyim oldu benim için... Eşi benzeri olmayan tarihi ve yönetim sistemiyle, kimseye benzemeyen insanların ülkesi burası. Rom, puro, dans-müzik ve neşe... Buram buram “gerçek” zenginlik... Küba’yı anlamak için Küba’da neler yok bir göz atalım.

ÇOCUĞUM NE OLACAK' KORKUSU YOK
İnsanın çocuğu için endişelenmemesinden daha büyük zenginlik yoktur herhalde. Bu ülkede daha kadın hamileyken, devletin kurduğu hamile merkezlerine gitme zorunluluğu var. 70’li yıllarda, hamile pilatesi başlatılmış bu merkezlerde, ayrıca çocuk bakımı için eğitim veriliyor. Doğan çocuk, devletin sayılıyor. Her tür sağlık ve eğitim hizmetini devlet karşılıyor. Eğitim de tabii ki eşit.

SAĞLIĞIN İÇİN ENDİŞELENMEK YOK
11 milyon nüfusluk küçük bir ada olan Küba, tıp alanında dünyada en üst sıralarda. Çocuk lösemisini yüzde 80 oranında tedavi edebilecek kadar ileriler. 30 bin doktor çalışıyor. Sadece kendi ülkelerine değil, tüm Güney Amerika ülkelerine sağlık hizmeti veriyorlar. Tabii ücretsiz!

AÇLIK YOK
Devlet, karneyle her aileye ihtiyacı olan yiyeceği dağıtıyor. Tavuk, et, pirinç, patates, şeker... Kişi başı, karnı doyuracak miktar, devlet eliyle veriliyor. Elbette, çuval çuval değil. Örneğin; kişi başlı aylık 2 kilo kırmızı et veriliyor meselâ. Tavuk dersen o daha çok. Eh bizim ülkemizde asgari ücretle geçinen biri her ay kişi başı 2 kilo et yiyebiliyor mu acaba?!

İŞSİZLİK YOK
Devlet herkese iş veriyor. Ve maaşlar arasında yüzde 3’ten fazla fark bulunmuyor. Doktor olmuşsun, garson olmuşsun pek fark etmiyor.

SOKAKTA YATAN EVSİZ YOK
Bana en ilginç gelen bu oldu. “En gelişmiş” diye tanımladığımız ülkeler bile evsiz kaynarken Küba’da bir tane sokakta yatan insan yok.

KADINA ŞİDDET' YOK!
Zaten genel olarak kavga-dövüş-bağırış-çığırış yok. Korna çalan bile yok. Hani, belediye suyuna sakinleştirici karıştırıyorlar diyeceğim ama belediye suyu da yok. Her yer doğal kaynak ve su fışkırıyor. Dönelim şiddete; elbette ufak tefek olaylar oluyormuş ama bir kadına hafifçe dokunmanın cezası bile 5 yıldan başladığı için belki de, öyle şiddete filan rastlanmıyormuş. Hele “karısını öldüren kocalar var mı” sorusunu sorduğumda, bana sapıkmışım gibi bakmaya başladılar. “Nereden aklına geliyor böyle şeyler” dedi bana genç bir Kübalı kadın.

BOŞANMA YOK
Çünkü evlenme de yok. Kübalılar genellikle resmi evlilik tercih etmiyor çünkü ayrılmak isterlerse işlemlerle uğraşmak istemiyor. Resmi imzaya gerek duymuyorlar çünkü boşanma sırasında paylaşılacak mal, mülk kısaca nafaka-miras gibi kavramlar yok. Zaten her şey devletin.

TER KOKAN KİMSE YOK
Sabun-şampuan karneyle. Hepsi Küba malı. Fazladan almaya kalkarsan pahalı. Ama herkes tertemiz.

EĞLENCESİZ GÜN YOK
Müzik ve dans her şeyleri. Sanki ibadet gibi. Her ân her yerde eğlence var. Sokaklarda, meydanlarda toplanıp, dans ediyorlar.

TARLALARDA ORGANİK OLMAYAN GIDA YOK
Tavuk çiftliği yok meselâ. Bahçelerde yetişiyor tavuklar, ayağı toprağa değiyor. Tıpkı çocukluğumuzdaki tavuklar gibi lezzetli oluyor.

KAZIK YEMEK' KORKUSU YOK!
E her işletme devletin. Çalışanlar da devlet memuru. Ama bizdeki öğretmen evleri gelmesin aklınıza. Örneğin, Hilton Otel, Devrim sonrası olmuş Küba Özgürlük Oteli. En görkemli şovlar, en güzel caz kulüpler aslında hep devlet işletmesi. Ayrıca, Küba’da turistler de devlet koruması altında. Turiste zarar vermek en büyük suçlardan biri.


PARA YOK!
Evet para yok! Doktor, aylık 20 Euro karşılığı bir maaş alıyor. Hayır yanlış yazmadım; en yüksek maaş bizim paramızla aylık 60 lira. Az geldi değil mi! Şimdi “nasıl geçiniyorlar” diye düşünüyorsunuz. Ama işte elektrik de 0,50 kuruş. Ev kirası yok, sabundan yiyeceğe temel ihtiyaçlara para harcamak da yok. Hastane masrafı, eğitim masrafı yok! Çocuklara kalem almak bile yok. Lüks yok ama ihtiyaç da yok!

REKLÂM TABELASI YOK
Asla yok. O yüzden Küba sokaklarını fotoğraflamak gibisi yok gerçekten

15 Ocak 2016 Cuma

PHILOSOPY SONNET



darling, we are the measure of all things
yet this will never be the world you dreamed.
trade not pleasures for pleasures, pains for pains
and know that beauty neither hears nor sees.

and those who die eagerly, stretching wings:
they will sing most and most beautifully.
cry not for sorrow, cast off mortal chains,
believe our souls will once again be freed.

believe more than knowledge; wisdom's cruel sting
reminds us that we may never be clean.
yet through all this turmoil, each of these stains-
remember that all is not what it seems.

remember, darling, while gazing at stars
we will never be what we never are.




10 Ocak 2016 Pazar

MAİOTİK ‘İN (DOĞURTMA SANATININ) YENİDEN DOĞUŞU

Antik çağlardan günümüze kadar geçen zaman içinde, özellikle de toplumu oluşturan bireyleri ileriye taşıyacak olan eğitim sisteminin gittikçe rasyonalizmden (akılcılıktan) uzaklaştığını fark etmemek için kör olmamız gerekiyor. Yani başka türlü ifade edersek, zamanın geçmesi, teknolojinin gelişmesi, bizleri insanlıktan uzaklaştırıp kör robotlara dönüştürmekte…

   Bilgilerin, bizlere sanki insandan çok teknolojik bir cihaz, bir robotmuşuz gibi hafızamıza yığıldığı bu çağda hangi yaşta olursak olalım hangi eğitimi görürsek görelim eninde sonunda ezberlemek zorunda kalıyoruz. Öğrenmekten çok ezberleyerek sınavları geçiyoruz, ilkokuldan liseden üniversiteden mezun oluyoruz. İlkokul lise üniversite yüksek lisans gibi eğitim süreçleri süresince kendimize hayatta işimize yarayabilecek sosyal ilişkiler ve değişik deneyimler katabiliyoruz peki ya bilgiyi ne kadar katabiliyoruz?
   Bugün, bunun cevabını ezberci sistemle gittiğimiz sürece olumlu bir şekilde vermek oldukça zor. Oysa M.Ö 469’ a Sokrates’in yaşadığı çağa dönersek cevap apaçık şekilde rasyonalizmin içinde görülebilmekte... Sokrates’in rasyonalizmine göre, bilgilerimiz doğuştandır.

   Yani, bir öğretmen öğrencisine yeni bir şey öğretmez, öğretemez, sadece öğrencisine zaten bildiği ruhunda gizlenen bilgileri açığa çıkartmasına yardımcı olabilir.  Yardımcı olurken dikkat etmesi gereken sadece bu açığa çıkarmanın yöntemidir. İroniyle yöntemini uygulamaya başlayan öğretmen ilk olarak bir şeyler bildiğini sanan öğrencisine aslında hiçbir şey bilmediğini gösterir. Hiçbir şey bilmediğini fark eden öğrencinin şaşkınlığına aldırmaksızın sadece iyi bir öğretmenin başarabileceği maiotik yöntemle sorularını sorar. Düşünmeye sorgulamaya iten sorularıyla öğretmen öğrencisinin ruhunda gizlenen bildiği cevapları (bilgileri) açığa çıkarır. Öğretmenin sorgulamaya, düşünmeye ve keşfetmeye iten maiotik soruları, bilgilerin saklandıkları yerlerden çıkmaya zorlayan ezberin tersine öğretici doğurtma sanatının sorularıdır.

   Sokrates günümüzde hala etkisi olan bir İlkçağ filozofu olmasının yanı sıra çok iyi de bir öğretmendir. Her tip insanın kendi kendine veya biriyle birlikte uygulayabileceği ironi ve maiotikten ( doğurtma sanatı) oluşan diyalektik yöntemi bizlere bırakmıştır.

   Sokrates’in bizlere bıraktığı bu öğretici, insanlaştırıcı ilerlemeye yardımcı mirasın değerini bilemeyip yerine ezberi koyduğumuz için söyleyebilecek pek sözüm olmasa da eğer istersek doğuştan bizde olan bu yöntemi hatırlayıp uygulayarak yayabileceğimizi yeniden doğurabileceğimizi umuyorum.


GREENSEA 



5 Ocak 2016 Salı

SURREAL PORTRAITS OF ANIMALS - TOMEK ZACZENIUK

Tomek Zaczeniuk was born in 1978, and he is a talented photographer and digital artist. He loves to create parallel reality with help of photo-manipulation and music.  In these images two most powerful things are affecting one is image and second is sound. He is brilliantly showing an imaginary world which has stunning nature along with over size animals. Please have a look for your inspiration!
Today surreal portraits of animals by Tomek Zaczeniuk will be presented. He is young talented artist who loves photo manipulation and digital art to show his thinking. All portraits are unreal but eye-catching as they precipitously fascinate viewers look at them.
Animals from Tomek Zaczeniuk’s eye;

Can you imagine life without animals? I can’t. They are not only our best friends, but what is more important that they are the necessary element of global nature balance. Without them we couldn’t exist. It’s very sad that our activities around the world make their lives so complicated, hard and dangerous. We have to do all we can to repair everything what we have destroyed.
It’s not only about saving endangered species. I also dream about the world in which all creatures could live in peace with human kind. Is it possible? I hope so. Just imagine, if the last plant died – we all would die. If animals were gone – we all would be gone as well. Is it so hard to understand this parallel?
In these images, I decided to use animals as the main characters. They are so much better than humans. It’s my own way to say “Thank you, mother nature, for giving me a place to live.”